Pubblico qui un mio articolo uscito sull'ultimo numero di "Piovono Pietre".
Alcuni commentatori ritengono che il ciclo politico legato alla figura di Silvio Berlusconi stia volgendo al termine. Sia che si arrivi alla scadenza naturale della legislatura sia che si acceleri una crisi traumatica successiva alla sconfessione del Lodo Alfano da parte della Corte Costituzionale. Non mi interessa qui fare previsioni. Quello che voglio porre all’attenzione è un tema generale: la sinistra ha formulato un’analisi adeguata del fenomeno che possiamo approssimativamente definire come “berlusconismo”?
Si è detto giustamente che non basta allontanare il padrone di Mediaset dal governo, ma che occorre scalzare il fenomeno politico, sociale e culturale che egli incarna. Questa prospettiva è rimasta però di fatto subalterna a quella che ha focalizzato la critica sulle caratteristiche specifiche del personaggio Berlusconi e sulle ragioni della sua ascesa (controllo delle televisioni, vasta disponibilità di risorse economiche, capacità di manipolazione dell’elettorato, ecc.) fino alla polemica innescata dalle vicende delle sue disinvolte frequentazioni femminili. E’ stato soprattutto Di Pietro e il suo partito a cavalcare politicamente il sentimento di rigetto nei confronti dei comportamenti del presidente del consiglio, sentimento che coinvolge una parte importante dell’opinione pubblica democratica e di sinistra. Insieme alla Repubblica (che pure è più vicina al PD) e Travaglio, sono loro a definire ideologicamente la lettura dello scontro tra berlusconismo e antiberlusconismo.
A sinistra si è cercato di delineare una diversa prospettiva secondo la quale l’obiettivo fondamentale dovrebbe essere di contrapporre a Berlusconi un’uscita, per quanto graduale, dalle politiche neoliberiste indebolite ma non rovesciate dalla crisi. Questa strategia si è scontrata con gli orientamenti prevalenti all’interno della maggioranza che ha sostenuto i due governi Prodi. L’esito negativo delle due esperienze di governo pone l’esigenza di riprendere e approfondire l’analisi complessiva delle vicende italiane degli ultimi venti anni. E’ utile anche per evitare che il dibattito a sinistra si richiuda su stesso, ponendo questioni di identità, di assetto politico ed organizzativo, certamente importanti ma che rischiano di farci arenare in una discussione fondamentalmente auto contemplativa.
L’esperienza del movimento operaio e comunista italiano dimostra che solo quando si è saputo cogliere le grandi contraddizioni politiche e sociali e delineare una strategia a partire da queste, si è riusciti ad emergere da una condizione minoritaria. E’ stato cosi per la capacità gramsciana di analizzare alcune caratteristiche peculiari della società italiana (questione meridionale e questione “vaticana”, ovvero cattolica, innanzitutto) a partire da una comprensione dei caratteri fondativi dello stato italiano. Successivamente il gruppo dirigente comunista si è sforzato di comprendere le ragioni e le caratteristiche innovative che il fascismo aveva introdotto nella società italiana. Mentre alcune letture sbagliate dello sviluppo del capitalismo italiano negli anni ‘60 hanno limitato la capacità di intervenire sulle nuove contraddizioni. Ad esempio le tesi che, a partire dal dibattito Ingrao- Amendola all’interno del PCI, leggevano la società italiana prevalentemente in termini di arretratezza.
A me pare che da questo punto di vista il nostro dibattito sia stato largamente insufficiente. Mentre non mancano ricorrenti dibattiti pro o contro Togliatti o sul ruolo del PCI, o richiami reverenziali a Gramsci, mi pare che assai poco si sia cercato, anche da parte dei difensori d’ufficio, di verificarne alcune lezioni di metodo nell’analisi delle vicende politiche e sociali degli ultimi venti anni. Diversi elementi utili in tal senso possono venire differentemente da testi come “Americanismo e fordismo”, dalle “Lezioni sul fascismo” o dal vasto e complesso sforzo di analisi del potere democristiano realizzato a sinistra nel corso della prolungata egemonia dello scudocrociato.
Il berlusconismo andrebbe indagato intrecciando tre diversi livelli: quello economico-sociale, quello politico e quello ideologico-culturale. Berlusconi va collocato all’interno dell’egemonia neoliberista che ha caratterizzato il mondo occidentale a partire dall’inizio degli anni ’80, cogliendone però le peculiarità. E’ stato poco rilevato che Berlusconi, in quanto imprenditore, non incarna il capitalismo industriale direttamente produttivo e solo marginalmente quello finanziario, ma principalmente una forma di capitalismo postfordista.
Mediaset assorbe una quota di plusvalore in cambio del suo ruolo di interfaccia tra la produzione e il consumo di merci. Crea immaginario al servizio del processo di valorizzazione del capitale. Berlusconi è l’espressione di un capitalismo italiano che si deindustrializza, abbandona il terreno della ricerca e dell’innovazione tecnologica (crollo degli investimenti) e si arrende ad un ruolo subordinato nell’ambito dei processi di globalizzazione? Sembrerebbe di sì e in questo senso il blocco storico rappresentato da Forza Italia e Lega costituisce la base di massa di un capitalismo che arretra nella competizione internazionale.
Il secondo asse di indagine dovrebbe riguardare la capacità dell’azione politica berlusconiana di utilizzare la trasformazione del sistema politico, dal pluralismo garantito dalla proporzionale all’oligopolismo sancito dai modelli elettorali maggioritari, così come la tendenza a spostare sempre più il terreno della politica dalla rappresentanza al governo. In questo senso Berlusconi ha sfruttato scelte politico-istituzionali largamente volute dalle forze della sinistra moderata.
Infine vi è tutto il terreno dell’azione ideologica del berlusconismo (individualismo, mercificazione di tutte le relazioni sociali, anticomunismo). Se questo aspetto ha trovato una certa attenzione in particolare nel sottolineare il ruolo giocate dal mezzo televisivo (si veda il film documentario “Videocracy”). Poco si è cercato di capire come questo cocktail ideologico venga filtrato e accolto da settori popolari ampi ed eterogenei, a quali bisogni esso corrisponda e se questi possano trovare soluzione all’interno di un paradigma alternativo, fondato sullo sviluppo delle relazioni sociali e sulla demercificazione dei rapporti intersoggettivi.
Si sono già accumulati elementi di analisi e di comprensione importanti, ma mi pare siamo lontani da una sintesi adeguata e da una capacità di diffusione di queste analisi in modo tale da orientare il conflitto politico e sociale e di costruire elementi di contro-egemonia. E’ questo un compito necessario se vogliamo evitare che il declino personale di Berlusconi si accompagni ad una sostanziale perpetuazione della sua egemonia sul paese, anche oltre la sua permanenza al potere.
Franco Ferrari
mercoledì 2 dicembre 2009
domenica 29 marzo 2009
Islanda: la crisi fa crescere il consenso alla sinistra radicale
In Islanda la crisi economica che ha portato il Paese sull'orlo della bancarotta ha anche determinato un spostamento a sinistra del quadro politico. Il partito che raccoglie la sinistra radicale, il Movimento Sinistra Verde, è in forte crescita nei sondaggi. Le elezioni anticipate si terranno a fine aprile, intanto si è formato un governo provvisorio formato dalla socialdemocrazia e dalla sinistra radicale. Dal forum di Red Pepper, riprendo questa breve nota politica di fine febbraio.
Economic Crisis In Iceland and The Left Green Movement
The interim govt in Iceland is an allaince of the social democrats, progressive party and the left green movement. TLGM have at present 9 MP's out of 63, but opinion polls consistently put them in the lead in the run up to a general election in May this year. The are polling around 30%, so are unlikely to form a govt on their own, but could well be the largest party in any coalition govt post the election.
With Iceland's economy in ruins, following the ultra neo liberal policies of the previous govt (of which the social democrats were part) and the subsequent crash, this is very encouraging. If TLGM were to win the general election, it could send ripples right across Europe, and be a boast for green left politics. It could point the way out of neo liberalism and towards green socialism.
Some info on the The Left Green Movement
The party was founded on February 6th 1999 after a few months work, aiming to unite socialist and conservationist groups for the elections held on May 8th.
The prelude was a structural reorganisation on the left wing of Icelandic politics. On the one hand there were those who prepared the unification of three existing parties, The Social democrats (Alþýðuflokkur), The People's Alliance (Alþýðubandalagið) and The Women's Party (Samtök um kvennalista) in one social-democratic party. On the other side there were those who fought for the unification of social-, environmental and feminist politics into one party. These were to be found in the above mentioned parties, especially in the Peoples Alliance and the Women's Party and in an open leftwing forum newly founded, Stefna - a forum for left politics.
This movement joined forces with four MP's from The People's Alliance and The Women's Party who had the same views and had for some months formed an independent group within the parliament. In due time a new political party The Left-Green Movement was founded as a choice to the left of The Alliance (Samfylkingin).
The cornerstones of it´s policy are the following:
Conservation of the environment
All natural resources shall be public property and utilized without reducing them and in a careful manner. So-called green economics must be used to estimate the value of untouched nature and green taxes shall be applied to encourage protection of the environment. From our point of view, it is of great importance that Icelanders can produce all the energy they need in the future. We reject further building of power plants for the use of polluting large scale industry and demand conservation of the highland. We emphasize powerful, international co-operation and conventions concerning environmental matters.
Equality and social justice
All individuals shall have equal rights and no discrimination can be tolerated. We demand full equality concerning education, all social service, public information and freedom of speech. It is the duty of the Icelandic state to guarantee the welfare of every citizen, especially the elderly and the disabled.
The Left-Green Movement supports the strenghtening of the rural areas of Iceland by means of good social service, education, prosperous culture and various economy. Privatization in public areas is of great danger in these matters, since it usually leads to a more expensive service in rural areas.
It is a project of high priority to guarantee that wages paid for 40 hours' work a week will be sufficient for a normal cost of living.
Fair and prosperous economy
The Left-Green Movement is willing to strengthen the position of wage earners to influence the development of our society. The party is willing to support the development of Icelandic economy to a state of more diversity and encourage the use of environment-friendly technology. It is necessary to prevent monopoly and centralization of capital, enable the conventional industries of Iceland to develop themselves and make use of Iceland's special status to create jobs of all kinds for all the inhabitants.
Independent foreign policy
The Left-Green Movement fights for an independent, Icelandic foreign policy that maintains the sovereignty of Iceland and supports all means of establishing global peace. The party opposes participation in military organizations such as NATO and WEU. It also rejects participation in the European Union and emphasizes simple, bilateral treaties concerning trade and co-operation.
The Left-Green Movement is willing to strenghten the co-operation of all nations based on mutual respect for different opinons and different culture. The party supports and wants to strenghten the participation in democratical organizations such as the United Nations, the European Council and the Nordic Council. Iceland shall support the goals of the UN and the Declaration of Human Rights by making a contribution to the abolition of poverty and hunger, social injustice, unequal division of wealth, racial discrimination, violation of human rights and militarism.
Economic Crisis In Iceland and The Left Green Movement
The interim govt in Iceland is an allaince of the social democrats, progressive party and the left green movement. TLGM have at present 9 MP's out of 63, but opinion polls consistently put them in the lead in the run up to a general election in May this year. The are polling around 30%, so are unlikely to form a govt on their own, but could well be the largest party in any coalition govt post the election.
With Iceland's economy in ruins, following the ultra neo liberal policies of the previous govt (of which the social democrats were part) and the subsequent crash, this is very encouraging. If TLGM were to win the general election, it could send ripples right across Europe, and be a boast for green left politics. It could point the way out of neo liberalism and towards green socialism.
Some info on the The Left Green Movement
The party was founded on February 6th 1999 after a few months work, aiming to unite socialist and conservationist groups for the elections held on May 8th.
The prelude was a structural reorganisation on the left wing of Icelandic politics. On the one hand there were those who prepared the unification of three existing parties, The Social democrats (Alþýðuflokkur), The People's Alliance (Alþýðubandalagið) and The Women's Party (Samtök um kvennalista) in one social-democratic party. On the other side there were those who fought for the unification of social-, environmental and feminist politics into one party. These were to be found in the above mentioned parties, especially in the Peoples Alliance and the Women's Party and in an open leftwing forum newly founded, Stefna - a forum for left politics.
This movement joined forces with four MP's from The People's Alliance and The Women's Party who had the same views and had for some months formed an independent group within the parliament. In due time a new political party The Left-Green Movement was founded as a choice to the left of The Alliance (Samfylkingin).
The cornerstones of it´s policy are the following:
Conservation of the environment
All natural resources shall be public property and utilized without reducing them and in a careful manner. So-called green economics must be used to estimate the value of untouched nature and green taxes shall be applied to encourage protection of the environment. From our point of view, it is of great importance that Icelanders can produce all the energy they need in the future. We reject further building of power plants for the use of polluting large scale industry and demand conservation of the highland. We emphasize powerful, international co-operation and conventions concerning environmental matters.
Equality and social justice
All individuals shall have equal rights and no discrimination can be tolerated. We demand full equality concerning education, all social service, public information and freedom of speech. It is the duty of the Icelandic state to guarantee the welfare of every citizen, especially the elderly and the disabled.
The Left-Green Movement supports the strenghtening of the rural areas of Iceland by means of good social service, education, prosperous culture and various economy. Privatization in public areas is of great danger in these matters, since it usually leads to a more expensive service in rural areas.
It is a project of high priority to guarantee that wages paid for 40 hours' work a week will be sufficient for a normal cost of living.
Fair and prosperous economy
The Left-Green Movement is willing to strengthen the position of wage earners to influence the development of our society. The party is willing to support the development of Icelandic economy to a state of more diversity and encourage the use of environment-friendly technology. It is necessary to prevent monopoly and centralization of capital, enable the conventional industries of Iceland to develop themselves and make use of Iceland's special status to create jobs of all kinds for all the inhabitants.
Independent foreign policy
The Left-Green Movement fights for an independent, Icelandic foreign policy that maintains the sovereignty of Iceland and supports all means of establishing global peace. The party opposes participation in military organizations such as NATO and WEU. It also rejects participation in the European Union and emphasizes simple, bilateral treaties concerning trade and co-operation.
The Left-Green Movement is willing to strenghten the co-operation of all nations based on mutual respect for different opinons and different culture. The party supports and wants to strenghten the participation in democratical organizations such as the United Nations, the European Council and the Nordic Council. Iceland shall support the goals of the UN and the Declaration of Human Rights by making a contribution to the abolition of poverty and hunger, social injustice, unequal division of wealth, racial discrimination, violation of human rights and militarism.
mercoledì 11 marzo 2009
Belgio. il Partito Comunista presente alle elezioni con il programma della Sinistra Europea
Dal sito del Partito Comunista (PC) belga, che organizza i militanti della parte francese del Paese (Bruxelles e Vallonia), riprendo un comunicato dell'Ufficio Politico che annuncia la decisione di presentarsi con proprio liste alle prossime elezoni regionali ed europee. Il partito mantiene l'obbiettivo di unire tutta la sinistra alternativa e anticapitalista belga ma dichiara di essersi scontrato con settarismi e dogmatismi. Il PC rivendica il programma elettorale della Sinistra Europea di cui è membro.
Communiqué du 27 février 2009 : Elections 2009, 100 jours pour dire ensemble "passons à autre chose"
Ecrit par Bureau politique
27-02-2009
Lors de son dernier congrès en octobre de l’année dernière, le Parti communiste Wallonie-Bruxelles a de nouveau nettement exprimé sa volonté de « participer à la construction d’une nouvelle force politique à la fois plurielle et unitaire, claire dans ses buts et ses moyens », une force anticapitaliste, résolument adversaire du libéralisme économique et de la logique de marché.
Particulièrement attentif et intéressé par les expériences menées en Allemagne et en France:
- celle du parti Die Linke regroupant des communistes, des socialistes opposés à la politique sociale-libérale du SPD, des alter-mondialistes des écologistes, des syndicalistes,
- celle du Front de Gauche pour les élections européennes initiée par le Parti communiste français auquel a répondu favorablement le nouveau Parti de Gauche créé par Jean-Luc Mélenchon,
le Parti communiste veut également s’engager dans le rassemblement de la gauche de gauche en Wallonie et à Bruxelles.
Nos tentatives unitaires des derniers mois se sont heurtées à certains sectarismes et dogmatismes dont nous restons persuadés qu’ils sont stériles et même contre-productifs pour la gauche de gauche. Nous continuerons cependant de nous adresser en vue des élections à venir mais surtout au-delà de ces échéances «à toutes celles et tous ceux qui prennent la mesure des impasses actuelles et partagent le besoin de s’engager dans la construction d’un projet de transformation sociale de gauche à contre-courant de l’ultralibéralisme. Les communistes font cette démarche « sans sectarisme, sans a priori, ni exclusives avec toutes celles et tous ceux qui ressentent le besoin de construire la force qui manque à la gauche ».
Pour les élections européennes et régionales, le Parti communiste déposera des listes Parti communiste - Gauche européenne (PC-GE) en Wallonie et à Bruxelles. Adoubées par le Parti de la Gauche européenne, parti fort de 400.000 membres regroupant en son sein des partis socialistes, communistes, rouges-verts et d’autres partis de la gauche démocratique, ces listes compteront des personnalités indépendantes en nombre et en qualité. De plus, un accord a été conclu avec le Parti Humaniste qui partage notamment notre combat pacifiste et anti OTAN. Des candidats de ce parti figureront sur les listes. D’autres partis de gauche ont été interpellés ou nous ont interpellés récemment.
Ces élections doivent être l’occasion de proposer ensemble des projets européens, wallons et bruxellois qui nous libèrent de la logique capitaliste qui sacrifie les intérêts de la grande majorité de la population et l’avenir de la planète pour permettre à une petite minorité d’accumuler le maximum de profits. Les responsables politiques et économiques de la crise capitaliste ne peuvent être ceux qui donnent les solutions. Le capitalisme a montré qu’il est une impasse. Cela suffit. Passons à autre chose !
Le Parti communiste continuera dans les semaines qui viennent à construire ses programmes régionaux au travers de ses Ateliers de Gauche ouverts à tous ceux qui souhaitent apporter leurs propositions et échanger leurs expériences.
Le Parti communiste appelle toutes et tous à travailler ensemble à créer une dynamique politique de gauche capable de renverser le cours critique des choses. Nous demeurons ouverts à toute proposition de soutien et de candidature sur les listes.
Nous avons 100 jours pour montrer qu’une autre gauche pour une autre Europe et d’autres politiques régionales, c’est possible et même totalement nécessaire ! Le 7 juin, votons PC-GE !
Communiqué du 27 février 2009 : Elections 2009, 100 jours pour dire ensemble "passons à autre chose"
Ecrit par Bureau politique
27-02-2009
Lors de son dernier congrès en octobre de l’année dernière, le Parti communiste Wallonie-Bruxelles a de nouveau nettement exprimé sa volonté de « participer à la construction d’une nouvelle force politique à la fois plurielle et unitaire, claire dans ses buts et ses moyens », une force anticapitaliste, résolument adversaire du libéralisme économique et de la logique de marché.
Particulièrement attentif et intéressé par les expériences menées en Allemagne et en France:
- celle du parti Die Linke regroupant des communistes, des socialistes opposés à la politique sociale-libérale du SPD, des alter-mondialistes des écologistes, des syndicalistes,
- celle du Front de Gauche pour les élections européennes initiée par le Parti communiste français auquel a répondu favorablement le nouveau Parti de Gauche créé par Jean-Luc Mélenchon,
le Parti communiste veut également s’engager dans le rassemblement de la gauche de gauche en Wallonie et à Bruxelles.
Nos tentatives unitaires des derniers mois se sont heurtées à certains sectarismes et dogmatismes dont nous restons persuadés qu’ils sont stériles et même contre-productifs pour la gauche de gauche. Nous continuerons cependant de nous adresser en vue des élections à venir mais surtout au-delà de ces échéances «à toutes celles et tous ceux qui prennent la mesure des impasses actuelles et partagent le besoin de s’engager dans la construction d’un projet de transformation sociale de gauche à contre-courant de l’ultralibéralisme. Les communistes font cette démarche « sans sectarisme, sans a priori, ni exclusives avec toutes celles et tous ceux qui ressentent le besoin de construire la force qui manque à la gauche ».
Pour les élections européennes et régionales, le Parti communiste déposera des listes Parti communiste - Gauche européenne (PC-GE) en Wallonie et à Bruxelles. Adoubées par le Parti de la Gauche européenne, parti fort de 400.000 membres regroupant en son sein des partis socialistes, communistes, rouges-verts et d’autres partis de la gauche démocratique, ces listes compteront des personnalités indépendantes en nombre et en qualité. De plus, un accord a été conclu avec le Parti Humaniste qui partage notamment notre combat pacifiste et anti OTAN. Des candidats de ce parti figureront sur les listes. D’autres partis de gauche ont été interpellés ou nous ont interpellés récemment.
Ces élections doivent être l’occasion de proposer ensemble des projets européens, wallons et bruxellois qui nous libèrent de la logique capitaliste qui sacrifie les intérêts de la grande majorité de la population et l’avenir de la planète pour permettre à une petite minorité d’accumuler le maximum de profits. Les responsables politiques et économiques de la crise capitaliste ne peuvent être ceux qui donnent les solutions. Le capitalisme a montré qu’il est une impasse. Cela suffit. Passons à autre chose !
Le Parti communiste continuera dans les semaines qui viennent à construire ses programmes régionaux au travers de ses Ateliers de Gauche ouverts à tous ceux qui souhaitent apporter leurs propositions et échanger leurs expériences.
Le Parti communiste appelle toutes et tous à travailler ensemble à créer une dynamique politique de gauche capable de renverser le cours critique des choses. Nous demeurons ouverts à toute proposition de soutien et de candidature sur les listes.
Nous avons 100 jours pour montrer qu’une autre gauche pour une autre Europe et d’autres politiques régionales, c’est possible et même totalement nécessaire ! Le 7 juin, votons PC-GE !
mercoledì 4 marzo 2009
Lussemburgo: Dei Lénk festeggia i dieci anni
Il partito della sinistra lussemburghese, Dei Lenk, La Sinistra, ha festeggiato il febbraio scorso, i dieci anni dalla sua fondazione e si prepara alle prossime elezioni europee. Al meeting hanno partecipato rappresentati della sinistra tedesca, belga e francese.
10 ans déi Lénk - une fête d'anniversaire un peu différente
02/13/2009
Hw.- Le Grand-Duc ne se trouvait pas parmi les invités ni aucun autre dignitaire du régime. Pas d’officiels, pas de cérémoniel, pas d’encens. Le dixième anniversaire était une fête entre amis.
“Dix ans deja? Non, dix ans seulement, car ce n’est qu’un début.” André Hoffmann n’avait pas envie d’énumérer les mérites de l’organisation qu’il a contribuée à fonder. “Je n’ai pas besoin de montrer combien souvent nous avions raison. En matière d’analyse nous n’avons pourtant pas à rougir devant les experts de la haute finance et de la politique.”
D’abord deux messages écrits: celui d’Antoni Montserrat, président du CLAE, au nom de tous les étrangers vivant au Luxembourg et celui de Lothar Bisky, président du Parti de la Gauche Européenne, au nom des 600.000 militants de 30 partis. Ensuite 4 messages d’amis et voisins.
Roger Tirlicien, pour les communistes de Lorraine (“Par ma présence au 10e anniversaire de la création de Déi Lénk je suis venu dire dans un contexte de crise mondiale l’engagement du PCF pour une autre Europe. Nous avons la responsabilité d’entendre la colère des peuples d’Europe qui en ont assez de souffrir des politiques libérales au service du capitalisme mondialisé.”), Pierre Eyben, Liège, pour les communsites belges (“Il n’est pas aisé d’unir la gauche de la gauche. Nous pensons que les communistes doivent aujourd’hui participer à un front de gauche”). Heinz Bierbaum, die Linke Sarre, apportant les saluts de Rolf Linsler et d’Oskar Lafontaine (“La crise n’est pas un incident de parcours, cette crise est la crise du capitalisme et elle signe l’échec des politiques néo-libérales.”) Katrin Werner, Trèves, vice-présidente de la Linke de Rheinland-Pfalz (“Déi Lénk peut être fière de faire de la politique de gauche au centre de la place financière. Nous connaissons son courage et son professionnalisme.”)
Deux orateurs: Marc Baum, lycéen au moment de la fondation de déi Lénk, représentant de la jeune génération, pour faire le bilan rétrospectif, (“déi Lénk a été fondé comme un rassemblement de courants divers dans le but d’opposer un front uni à la pensée unique capitaliste et de donner une structure aux mouvements qui considèrent le dépassement du capitalisme non comme le but en soi, mais comme le moyen en vue d’une société plus libre”). Jean-Luc Mélenchon, sénateur, ancien ministre socialiste, président du Parti de gauche fondé il y a deux semaines, pour montrer les alternatives face aux bouleversements sociaux qui s’annoncent (“Pour la première fois je me trouve hors de France en tant que président du Parti de Gauche. Considérez ma présence ici comme la forme d’un nouvel internationalisme”).
10 ans déi Lénk - une fête d'anniversaire un peu différente
02/13/2009
Hw.- Le Grand-Duc ne se trouvait pas parmi les invités ni aucun autre dignitaire du régime. Pas d’officiels, pas de cérémoniel, pas d’encens. Le dixième anniversaire était une fête entre amis.
“Dix ans deja? Non, dix ans seulement, car ce n’est qu’un début.” André Hoffmann n’avait pas envie d’énumérer les mérites de l’organisation qu’il a contribuée à fonder. “Je n’ai pas besoin de montrer combien souvent nous avions raison. En matière d’analyse nous n’avons pourtant pas à rougir devant les experts de la haute finance et de la politique.”
D’abord deux messages écrits: celui d’Antoni Montserrat, président du CLAE, au nom de tous les étrangers vivant au Luxembourg et celui de Lothar Bisky, président du Parti de la Gauche Européenne, au nom des 600.000 militants de 30 partis. Ensuite 4 messages d’amis et voisins.
Roger Tirlicien, pour les communistes de Lorraine (“Par ma présence au 10e anniversaire de la création de Déi Lénk je suis venu dire dans un contexte de crise mondiale l’engagement du PCF pour une autre Europe. Nous avons la responsabilité d’entendre la colère des peuples d’Europe qui en ont assez de souffrir des politiques libérales au service du capitalisme mondialisé.”), Pierre Eyben, Liège, pour les communsites belges (“Il n’est pas aisé d’unir la gauche de la gauche. Nous pensons que les communistes doivent aujourd’hui participer à un front de gauche”). Heinz Bierbaum, die Linke Sarre, apportant les saluts de Rolf Linsler et d’Oskar Lafontaine (“La crise n’est pas un incident de parcours, cette crise est la crise du capitalisme et elle signe l’échec des politiques néo-libérales.”) Katrin Werner, Trèves, vice-présidente de la Linke de Rheinland-Pfalz (“Déi Lénk peut être fière de faire de la politique de gauche au centre de la place financière. Nous connaissons son courage et son professionnalisme.”)
Deux orateurs: Marc Baum, lycéen au moment de la fondation de déi Lénk, représentant de la jeune génération, pour faire le bilan rétrospectif, (“déi Lénk a été fondé comme un rassemblement de courants divers dans le but d’opposer un front uni à la pensée unique capitaliste et de donner une structure aux mouvements qui considèrent le dépassement du capitalisme non comme le but en soi, mais comme le moyen en vue d’une société plus libre”). Jean-Luc Mélenchon, sénateur, ancien ministre socialiste, président du Parti de gauche fondé il y a deux semaines, pour montrer les alternatives face aux bouleversements sociaux qui s’annoncent (“Pour la première fois je me trouve hors de France en tant que président du Parti de Gauche. Considérez ma présence ici comme la forme d’un nouvel internationalisme”).
domenica 1 marzo 2009
IU confema Meyer capolista e cerca accordi per le europee
Il sito di Izquierda unida riferisce della decisione della coalizione di confermare Willy Meyer, parlamentare europeo uscente, come capolista per le prossime elezioni di giugno. Informa inoltra dei contatti avviati con altre forze di sinistra per verificare la possibilità di presentarsi unitariamente alle elezioni europee.
La Presidencia Federal de IU proclama a Willy Meyer como cabeza de lista a las elecciones europeas
El órgano de dirección de Izquierda Unida analiza los avances en las conversaciones con otras fuerzas políticas para acordar una sólida candidatura de izquierdas a los comicios de junio
Madrid 21 de febrero 2009
La Presidencia Federal de Izquierda Unida ha proclamado hoy oficialmente como candidato de esta organización a las próximas Elecciones Europeas de junio al actual eurodiputado y coordinador de Relaciones Internacionales, Willy Meyer. La decisión fue adoptada tras tomar conocimiento de la propuesta de cabeza de lista realizada el pasado 7 de febrero por el Consejo Político Federal y una vez constatada la no presentación de ningún candidato alternativo a Meyer.
La Presidencia valoró mayoritariamente el trabajo como eurodiputado realizado por Meyer los últimos cinco años. Al tiempo, la valoración compartida por este órgano de dirección es que la gravedad de la crisis económica obliga a IU a no distraer ni un momento la responsabilidad y el acuerdo plural con los que se están tomando las decisiones en los últimos meses para, así, dedicar todos los esfuerzos a buscar alternativas económicas, hacer propuestas de acción y exponerlas a la sociedad.
Este punto se trató al comienzo de la reunión de la Presidencia, que se está centrando en un análisis amplio y compartido internamente sobre la crisis económica. Previamente también se analizó el desarrollo del proceso de diálogo abierto por IU durante las últimas semanas para buscar posibles acuerdos electorales con otras fuerzas políticas.
Miguel Reneses, secretario de Organización y responsable de la Comisión Negociadora creada a tal efecto, detalló los encuentros celebrados con ICV, Izquierda Republicana, la Confederación de Los Verdes y ERC. En todos los casos destacó “la cordialidad, las buenas relaciones existentes con todas las fuerzas políticas y las notables coincidencias en el análisis de la actual crisis económica y las propuestas sobre políticas europeas”.
En las próximas semanas habrá nuevos encuentros con algunas de estas formaciones para avanzar en un acuerdo definitivo. Al tiempo, a nivel interno, Izquierda Unida creará una comisión plural con representación de todas sus sensibilidades para decidir el orden del resto de la lista en lo que respecta a los dirigentes de IU que formarán parte de ella.
La propuesta de lista definitiva a las Elecciones Europeas deberá ser ratificada finalmente en un próximo Consejo Político Federal, máximo órgano de dirección de IU, que analizará también los acuerdos a los que se llegue en las próximas semanas con otras formaciones políticas.
La Presidencia Federal de IU proclama a Willy Meyer como cabeza de lista a las elecciones europeas
El órgano de dirección de Izquierda Unida analiza los avances en las conversaciones con otras fuerzas políticas para acordar una sólida candidatura de izquierdas a los comicios de junio
Madrid 21 de febrero 2009
La Presidencia Federal de Izquierda Unida ha proclamado hoy oficialmente como candidato de esta organización a las próximas Elecciones Europeas de junio al actual eurodiputado y coordinador de Relaciones Internacionales, Willy Meyer. La decisión fue adoptada tras tomar conocimiento de la propuesta de cabeza de lista realizada el pasado 7 de febrero por el Consejo Político Federal y una vez constatada la no presentación de ningún candidato alternativo a Meyer.
La Presidencia valoró mayoritariamente el trabajo como eurodiputado realizado por Meyer los últimos cinco años. Al tiempo, la valoración compartida por este órgano de dirección es que la gravedad de la crisis económica obliga a IU a no distraer ni un momento la responsabilidad y el acuerdo plural con los que se están tomando las decisiones en los últimos meses para, así, dedicar todos los esfuerzos a buscar alternativas económicas, hacer propuestas de acción y exponerlas a la sociedad.
Este punto se trató al comienzo de la reunión de la Presidencia, que se está centrando en un análisis amplio y compartido internamente sobre la crisis económica. Previamente también se analizó el desarrollo del proceso de diálogo abierto por IU durante las últimas semanas para buscar posibles acuerdos electorales con otras fuerzas políticas.
Miguel Reneses, secretario de Organización y responsable de la Comisión Negociadora creada a tal efecto, detalló los encuentros celebrados con ICV, Izquierda Republicana, la Confederación de Los Verdes y ERC. En todos los casos destacó “la cordialidad, las buenas relaciones existentes con todas las fuerzas políticas y las notables coincidencias en el análisis de la actual crisis económica y las propuestas sobre políticas europeas”.
En las próximas semanas habrá nuevos encuentros con algunas de estas formaciones para avanzar en un acuerdo definitivo. Al tiempo, a nivel interno, Izquierda Unida creará una comisión plural con representación de todas sus sensibilidades para decidir el orden del resto de la lista en lo que respecta a los dirigentes de IU que formarán parte de ella.
La propuesta de lista definitiva a las Elecciones Europeas deberá ser ratificada finalmente en un próximo Consejo Político Federal, máximo órgano de dirección de IU, que analizará también los acuerdos a los que se llegue en las próximas semanas con otras formaciones políticas.
venerdì 27 febbraio 2009
Un incontro della Sinistra Europea a Lisbona
Il sito della Sinistra Europea riporta una breve nota sull'incontro organizzato a Lisbona ai primi di febbraio in occasione del Congresso del "Bloco de Esquerda" portoghese, partito membro dell'SE.
Juntar forças
Under the slogan "Uniting Forces" the Left Bloc of Portugal invited the member and observer parties of the European Left as well as other left parties to the conference titled “New crisis of an old system: Left proposals for Europe”, which was held on the eve of Bloco de Esquerda's party congress in Lisbon on 6 February 2009.
With the aim to exchange national experiences and discuss proposals to overcome the economic crisis, the representatives of the political forces went further in pointing out alternatives to the neo-liberal system and the need to implement policies of change on an international level.
The analysis of the current crisis and its effects in the different European countries revealed that we are not in front of a financial or economic crisis; eventually this is a structural crisis that entails food, energy, and ecological crises, and which affects the basis of market economy, i.e. the accumulation of capital.
The dimension of this crisis is becoming more and more dramatic: the closure of factories, dismissal of thousands of workers and the creation of social insecurity are the main consequences to be seen all over Europe and worldwide. Face to this situation, which affects workers, migrants, women, and young people in particular, it is essential for the Left to explain the failures of capitalism and to come up with new perspectives in order to arrest the social decline, and the “war amongst the poor”.
The workers must not pay for this crisis, as stated by Francisco Louçã of Bloco de Esquerda in his opening speech. At the same time, it is important to act from the bottom to the top and re-unify the workers, who have been divided by social dumping, delocalisation and xenophobic propaganda of right-wings extremists.
EL chairman Lothar Bisky remarked that the measures taken until now are insufficient, and a concerted European answer to the crisis is still lacking. The European Left demands concrete measures in favour of employment and social protection, such as increasing wages, social benefits and pensions for the workers in Europe. A re-regulation of the markets, taxes on financial transaction, the democratic control of the European Central Bank, and the replacement of the stability pact by a new pact in favour of growth, full employment and ecological protection are essential steps.
A resolution concerning the crisis was adopted by the European Left at the electoral conference in November 2008, and can be found HERE.
Juntar forças
Under the slogan "Uniting Forces" the Left Bloc of Portugal invited the member and observer parties of the European Left as well as other left parties to the conference titled “New crisis of an old system: Left proposals for Europe”, which was held on the eve of Bloco de Esquerda's party congress in Lisbon on 6 February 2009.
With the aim to exchange national experiences and discuss proposals to overcome the economic crisis, the representatives of the political forces went further in pointing out alternatives to the neo-liberal system and the need to implement policies of change on an international level.
The analysis of the current crisis and its effects in the different European countries revealed that we are not in front of a financial or economic crisis; eventually this is a structural crisis that entails food, energy, and ecological crises, and which affects the basis of market economy, i.e. the accumulation of capital.
The dimension of this crisis is becoming more and more dramatic: the closure of factories, dismissal of thousands of workers and the creation of social insecurity are the main consequences to be seen all over Europe and worldwide. Face to this situation, which affects workers, migrants, women, and young people in particular, it is essential for the Left to explain the failures of capitalism and to come up with new perspectives in order to arrest the social decline, and the “war amongst the poor”.
The workers must not pay for this crisis, as stated by Francisco Louçã of Bloco de Esquerda in his opening speech. At the same time, it is important to act from the bottom to the top and re-unify the workers, who have been divided by social dumping, delocalisation and xenophobic propaganda of right-wings extremists.
EL chairman Lothar Bisky remarked that the measures taken until now are insufficient, and a concerted European answer to the crisis is still lacking. The European Left demands concrete measures in favour of employment and social protection, such as increasing wages, social benefits and pensions for the workers in Europe. A re-regulation of the markets, taxes on financial transaction, the democratic control of the European Central Bank, and the replacement of the stability pact by a new pact in favour of growth, full employment and ecological protection are essential steps.
A resolution concerning the crisis was adopted by the European Left at the electoral conference in November 2008, and can be found HERE.
sabato 21 febbraio 2009
Convenzione dei comunisti nepalesi: controversia sull'assenza del ritratto di Lenin
Si sta concludendo la Convenzione nazionale del Partito Comunista del Nepal (Unificato Marxista-Leninista), attualmente al governo assieme ai maoisti che detengono il posto di primo ministro nello stato asiatico. Come riporta questo articolo tratto dal sito nepalese Republica, una controversia piuttosto animata ha riguardato l'assenza del ritratto di Lenin (a fianco a quello di Marx) nella sala che ospita la Comvenzione.
Controversy over no Lenin portrait
BUTWAL, Feb 20: Communists sometimes find trivial reasons for stirring up a controversy.
Delegates to CPN-UML convention, who have smelled a rat for not putting the portrait of late Russian communist revolutionary Vladimir Ilyich Lenin on the wall of the closed-door session hall, made loud noise at the start of closed door meeting Friday morning, further delaying the already delayed session. However, there is a photo of late Karl Marx, a German revolutionary and political theorist.
Leader of the Lumbini-A group, Kamal Shrestha, sought justification from the leadership as to why this was the case and refused to give his presentation for a while. Then, most of the 1800-plus delegates shouted in support of Shrestha. On Thursday too, some of those who gave their presentations had also raised the issue, but it was not raised as intensely as on Friday.
After one of the leaders of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), Amrit Bohora, said he would clarify on the matter later, Shrestha went ahead with his presentation. In his bid to calm the things down, Bohora told the delegates that it was not a policy decision and it could be a fault of the management.
One of the delegates said there was only Marx’s photo in a party poster prepared for UML’s sixth national convention held in 1998, because “Marx is the root of most communist theories”. “Lenin had just propounded the Russian-style Marxism,” he said. Generally, UML used to put portraits of five revolutionaries in its official functions – Marx, Lenin, German Friedrich Engels, Russian Joseph Stalin and Chinese Mao Zedong.
Controversy over no Lenin portrait
BUTWAL, Feb 20: Communists sometimes find trivial reasons for stirring up a controversy.
Delegates to CPN-UML convention, who have smelled a rat for not putting the portrait of late Russian communist revolutionary Vladimir Ilyich Lenin on the wall of the closed-door session hall, made loud noise at the start of closed door meeting Friday morning, further delaying the already delayed session. However, there is a photo of late Karl Marx, a German revolutionary and political theorist.
Leader of the Lumbini-A group, Kamal Shrestha, sought justification from the leadership as to why this was the case and refused to give his presentation for a while. Then, most of the 1800-plus delegates shouted in support of Shrestha. On Thursday too, some of those who gave their presentations had also raised the issue, but it was not raised as intensely as on Friday.
After one of the leaders of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), Amrit Bohora, said he would clarify on the matter later, Shrestha went ahead with his presentation. In his bid to calm the things down, Bohora told the delegates that it was not a policy decision and it could be a fault of the management.
One of the delegates said there was only Marx’s photo in a party poster prepared for UML’s sixth national convention held in 1998, because “Marx is the root of most communist theories”. “Lenin had just propounded the Russian-style Marxism,” he said. Generally, UML used to put portraits of five revolutionaries in its official functions – Marx, Lenin, German Friedrich Engels, Russian Joseph Stalin and Chinese Mao Zedong.
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